Articles

The West and the engineering of regime change in Iran

The reformist political forces in Iran have issued a roadmap to save the political system from collapse, as they put it. Through the National Pact, which includes free and fair elections, a general amnesty for political prisoners, the return of weapons to the barracks, and direct negotiations with the United States, we can recall with the Iranians the era of leader Mohammad Mosaddegh and the Western role in regime change. This memory will remain an open wound in the Iranian psyche, as a democratically elected government was overthrown by Western means. Recalling the lessons of this coup gives an impression of the most recent forms of coups in the modern era. If the coup no longer needs external security and military tools, then it needs internal forces, parties, movements, media, and influential figures working in the interest of foreign agendas. This brings to mind the method of a soft coup that targets the ruling power and creates and directs public opinion against the government. The fact that this statement coincides with Netanyahu's hostile statements against the regime, in which he promised to bring water to Tehran after the change, all indicate the existence of a hidden plan to reproduce a coup scene similar to the coup against Mossadegh, but in a new form that relies on the inside as a tool for pressure and change. “Changing the way of thinking” through an agreement with the United States and the West is itself political suicide for Iran. History has proven that America has never honored its previous commitments, and has used agreements as a cover to strip Iran of its defense, missile, and nuclear capabilities. This means that what some reformist factions are seeking is not reform, but a radical change in the identity of the political system. Looking back, Mohammad Mosaddegh made three fatal mistakes. First, he excluded nationalist clerics like Ayatollah Kashani. Second, he gave free rein to the Russians through the Tudeh Party. Third, he sought rapprochement with the Americans, the Shah's close allies. All these efforts and attempts to balance influence between the West and the Russians through rapprochement with the United States did not save him or prevent his downfall. Washington quickly revealed its true face of treachery. Western interference continued with the imposition of sanctions and threats, the fabrication of human rights and nuclear files, and the support of anti-regime groups, culminating in the recent US-Israeli military aggression against Iran and the perpetration of massacres against civilians, despite ongoing negotiations with the West. On the other hand, Western sanctions have continued at an escalating pace, and what unites the coup against Mossadegh and Western policies to this day is their hostility towards the Iranian people, who reject Western hegemony. The West continues, through proxy wars, attempts at humiliation, prohibition, and defamation, to pursue the same objectives it sought in the past. The lesson learned from history is that relying on Western promises is a dangerous illusion, and that the solution lies in national unity, dependence on internal capabilities, and strengthening regional cooperation, instead of chasing after fruitless negotiations and political statements that do not address the suffering of the Iranian people. It seems that the destiny of Iranians is to always confront modern colonial powers. Maintaining state sovereignty has become a rare commodity in the Middle East. Even going back to the past, we find that the West's engineering of the coup against Mohammad Mosaddegh's government was for the same reasons that the United States and its allies created today against the Islamic Republic. Mosaddegh told the Iranian people from the beginning about the difficulties that independence, nationalization, and sovereignty would face when he stood before the Iranian parliament, saying, "The Iranians have uncovered a hidden treasure." And above that treasure lies the dragon. By dragon he means the Western imperial powers.

Hussam Al-Hajj Hussein

Director of Administration and Finance, writer and researcher, Bachelor of Political Science
Go to top button