What role does the media play in the decline of national immunity?

Earlier, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani's representative in Iran, Mr. Jawad al-Shahristani, told the Iranian news agency Mehr that "the weakness of the media is one of the main problems facing Shiites." In Iraq, after the fall of the totalitarian regime, Iraqi media was reborn in a new form. The proliferation of channels and the spread of partisan, religious, and nationalist platforms led to a situation where sub-national identities overshadowed national identity. Some sectarian businessmen invested in the media, creating a kind of unholy alliance between corrupt sectarian businessmen, corrupt sectarian politicians, and the media itself—the perfect tool for blackmailing the government and the political class. The more powerful a channel was and the more influence it had on shaping the political landscape, the more money it generated for its owner. Even some governments claiming legitimacy and adherence to the constitution became entangled in this hybrid equation. The direct confrontation through the media has proven that there is a decline in the concepts of solidarity within Iraqi political society, and that "national immunity" has significantly weakened amidst the systematic discrediting of sects and ethnicities. Hope and optimism have also faded with the diversification of media sources and social media. This confrontation between sects and ethnicities came after a long struggle against dictatorship and harsh, sectarian central governments, most notably Saddam Hussein's regime. The result, after four decades, has impacted internal polarization among the Iraqi people, perpetuating a lack of trust and a tendency to dwell on the past, which has led to the frightening politicization of many political and media phenomena. The Shia community was not only a victim of complex international political equations that reshaped the political map after 2003, but also of ethnic and sectarian crises and the problems of parties monopolizing power. The media covered up the regime's crimes and demonized the Shia and Kurds for being its opponents. They were, and still are, victims of political hypocrisy and policies that support division and fragmentation. The media opposed to the political system aims to obliterate the national and religious identity of the majority. The Shia community is targeted by questioning their loyalty to the nation, despite countless martyrs and sacrifices. This propaganda, however, enjoys Western support and patronage. Meanwhile, the Shia continue to demonstrate exceptional resilience, steadfastness, and defiance. They have not lost their national compass, nor have they succumbed to foreign policies, and they resist all attempts at eradication and elimination with unwavering strength and fortitude. The media tools and capabilities of those opposed to the Shia are employed to discredit and cast doubt on their patriotism. The idea that the Shia lack the necessary patriotism to lead Iraq's diverse society has been reinforced through concentrated media campaigns. More recently, this terminology has been used to influence and manipulate public opinion through relatively opaque channels and pressure exerted by civil society organizations. The best propaganda is not propaganda at all, and in the information age, citizens are not interested in research and investigation, as credibility is one of the rarest sources of knowledge.